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| rekoh [2026/04/29 10:32] – [LATAR PERISTIWA: Suasana Perlombongan 1880-an] sazli | rekoh [2026/05/07 15:48] (kini) – [1873: Kematian Wee Liang Hin (Bapa Wee Hap Lang) di Bukit Rekoh] sazli |
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| (Sumber: Adnan Haji Nawang, 1997: [[https://books.google.com.my/books/about/Kuala_Lumpur_dari_perspektif_Haji_Abdull.html?id=OBVwAAAAMAAJ|"Kuala Lumpur dari Perspektif Haji Abdullah Hukum"]], m.s.32-37). | (Sumber: Adnan Haji Nawang, 1997: [[https://books.google.com.my/books/about/Kuala_Lumpur_dari_perspektif_Haji_Abdull.html?id=OBVwAAAAMAAJ|"Kuala Lumpur dari Perspektif Haji Abdullah Hukum"]], m.s.32-37). |
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| | ===== 1873: Kematian Wee Liang Hin (Bapa Wee Hap Lang) di Bukit Rekoh ===== |
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| | //"Mr. Wee Hap Lang, of 19, Rodger Street, Kuala Lumpor, is vice-president of the Selangor Anti-Opium Society, and was a delegate to the first Anti-Opium Conference at Ipoh. He is the son of Mr. Wee Liang Hin, and was born in Malacca. His father and grandfather were merchants at Malacca. The latter was a financier and established an extensive business with the Malays and the Chinese miners. In the course of business Mr. Wee Hap Lang's father made many trips up country, and on one of these, about thirty-five years ago, he became sick and dies at Ro[e]ko Hill, Kajang. Another member of the family was murdered by the Malays in Perak. The subject of this sketch entered the Government service after obtaining a training in different mercantile houses. Resigning in 1894, he started in business on his own account at Kuala Lumpor. Coming under the notice of Captain China Yap Kwan Seng, he acted as his assistant and English secretary until the time of the captain's death in 1902. On two occasions during Captain China's absence in China he managed his affairs. He is the founder of the British Malayan Mining Company, Ltd., just floated privately, and is developing several other mining properties. He possesses mines of his own at Serdang, Sungei Besi, Damansara, and Kajang. Mr. Wee Hap Lang is vice-president of the Selangor Chinese Chamber of Commerce, a committee member of the Mandarin School, a trustee of the Anglo-Chinese School, a member of the Turf Club, the Weld Hill Club, and many other similar institutions. He is also one of the originators of the Chinese Christian Association of Singapore. Nine sons and four daughters were born to him, all of whom are living. Of the former, one is being educated in England and another in America. The whole family are being thoroughly trained in English and Chinese. Mr. and Mrs. Wee Hap Lang celebrated their silver wedding on October 10, 1907."// (Twentieth Century Impressions of British Malaya, hlm.161). |
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| | **MAKLUMAT LANJUT: [[wee_hap_lang|Wee Hap Lang (1860-1938)]]**. |
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| ===== 1875: Lawatan Frank Swettenham ===== | ===== 1875: Lawatan Frank Swettenham ===== |
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| Setelah melalui tempoh kemerosotan pada akhir 1870-an, kegiatan perlombongan pulih semula menjelang akhir 1879: //"The late 1870s saw a sustained and catastrophic fall in the price of tin which, together with the high price of imported rice, made tin mining unprofitable and created hardship for everyone. ... Late in 1879 the rapid rise in the world price of tin created a boom throughout Selangor, though the tin ore deposits of the district did not match those of the Klang and Selangor river valleys in extent. They were confined to the valley bottom where, beneath 5-12 feet of unproductive overburden, lay deposits 10-50 feet wide and 6 inches to 2 feet in depth.54 By the mid 1880s 1,500 miners, almost all Chinese, were at work."// (J. M. Gullick @ Journal of the Malaysian Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society Vol. 80, No. 2 (293) (December 2007): {{ :buku:10.2307_41493693.pdf ||}}[[https://www.jstor.org/stable/41493693|"A Short History of Ulu Langat to 1900"]], m.s. 9-10). | Setelah melalui tempoh kemerosotan pada akhir 1870-an, kegiatan perlombongan pulih semula menjelang akhir 1879: //"The late 1870s saw a sustained and catastrophic fall in the price of tin which, together with the high price of imported rice, made tin mining unprofitable and created hardship for everyone. ... Late in 1879 the rapid rise in the world price of tin created a boom throughout Selangor, though the tin ore deposits of the district did not match those of the Klang and Selangor river valleys in extent. They were confined to the valley bottom where, beneath 5-12 feet of unproductive overburden, lay deposits 10-50 feet wide and 6 inches to 2 feet in depth.54 By the mid 1880s 1,500 miners, almost all Chinese, were at work."// (J. M. Gullick @ Journal of the Malaysian Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society Vol. 80, No. 2 (293) (December 2007): {{ :buku:10.2307_41493693.pdf ||}}[[https://www.jstor.org/stable/41493693|"A Short History of Ulu Langat to 1900"]], m.s. 9-10). |
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| {{:arkibgambar:19570000964d02-01.png?190|}}{{:arkibgambar:19570000964d02-07.png?260|}}{{:arkibgambar:19570000964d02-09.png?200|}}{{:arkibgambar:19570000964d02-10.png?200|}} \\ | |
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| Contoh pelekat (notis) penguatkuasaan perlindungan kegiatan arak, candu dan judi di dalam kawasan perlombongan: //"Menyatakan kepada sekalian orang2 surat pajak di dalam Rekoh dan Kajang dan Hulu Langat, orang yang pajak ada dapat kuasa daripada gaberment (government) Selangor di dalam kampung2nya sahaja iaitu di dalam Kampung Rekoh dan Kajang dan Hulu Langat, bukan di dalam lombong atau di dalam kongsi orang(?). Jikalau ada orang hendak tahankan orang masuk arak atau candu atau main judi atau kedai barang2 di dalam lombong boleh ia pergi mengadu kepada mata2 stesyen, apa kala itu boleh ia pergi tangkap bawak kepada kita ? kita menyatakan adanya. Tamat - Tertulis kepada 11 hari Firuari (Februari) 1879"// (PEJABAT SETIAUSAHA KERAJAAN NEGERI SELANGOR, 01/08/1879: {{ :arkib:19570000964d02.pdf ||}}[[http://ofa.arkib.gov.my/ofa/collection/asset/9511|"RELATIVE TO THE LOSS OF $100 ON THE PART OF THE LANGAT FARMER"]]). | |
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| Suasana perlombongan di Rekoh pada November 1883:- | Suasana perlombongan di Rekoh pada November 1883:- |
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| | {{:arkibgambar:19570002056d02-01.png?200|}}{{:arkibgambar:19570002056d02-03.png?200|}}{{:arkibgambar:19570002056d02-09.png?200|}}{{:arkibgambar:19570002056d02-10.png?200|}} |
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| //"Sunday 19th: Started at 6am and reached Kwalla Laboo at 4.30pm, there is only one solitary house here, the owner of which gains a living by supplying the passing boats with poles and fish, at 6.30pm anchored for the night. \\ | //"Sunday 19th: Started at 6am and reached Kwalla Laboo at 4.30pm, there is only one solitary house here, the owner of which gains a living by supplying the passing boats with poles and fish, at 6.30pm anchored for the night. \\ |
| (Sumber: Arkib Negara 1957/0002056W, 12/12/1882: {{ :arkib:19570002056d02.pdf ||}}[[https://ofa.arkib.gov.my/ofa/digital/asset/11168|"ENCLOSE IS OFFICIAL JOURNAL FOR THE MONTH OF NOVEMBER"]]). | (Sumber: Arkib Negara 1957/0002056W, 12/12/1882: {{ :arkib:19570002056d02.pdf ||}}[[https://ofa.arkib.gov.my/ofa/digital/asset/11168|"ENCLOSE IS OFFICIAL JOURNAL FOR THE MONTH OF NOVEMBER"]]). |
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| **LATAR PERISTIWA: [[candu|Candu di Tanah Melayu]]**. | {{:arkibgambar:19570000964d02-01.png?190|}}{{:arkibgambar:19570000964d02-07.png?260|}}{{:arkibgambar:19570000964d02-09.png?200|}}{{:arkibgambar:19570000964d02-10.png?200|}} \\ |
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| | Contoh pelekat (notis) penguatkuasaan perlindungan kegiatan arak, candu dan judi di dalam kawasan perlombongan: //"Menyatakan kepada sekalian orang2 surat pajak di dalam Rekoh dan Kajang dan Hulu Langat, orang yang pajak ada dapat kuasa daripada gaberment (government) Selangor di dalam kampung2nya sahaja iaitu di dalam Kampung Rekoh dan Kajang dan Hulu Langat, bukan di dalam lombong atau di dalam kongsi orang(?). Jikalau ada orang hendak tahankan orang masuk arak atau candu atau main judi atau kedai barang2 di dalam lombong boleh ia pergi mengadu kepada mata2 stesyen, apa kala itu boleh ia pergi tangkap bawak kepada kita ? kita menyatakan adanya. Tamat - Tertulis kepada 11 hari Firuari (Februari) 1879"// (PEJABAT SETIAUSAHA KERAJAAN NEGERI SELANGOR, 01/08/1879: {{ :arkib:19570000964d02.pdf ||}}[[http://ofa.arkib.gov.my/ofa/collection/asset/9511|"RELATIVE TO THE LOSS OF $100 ON THE PART OF THE LANGAT FARMER"]]). |
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| Ketika itu, setiap kawasan perlombongan diuruskan sepenuhnya oleh pengusaha sesebuah lombong secara autonomi, tanpa campur tangan pihak pentadbiran atau penguasa lain: //"The situation of the mining areas, and the close organisation of the Chinese population meant that they lived in autonomous communities under their own leadership. The nucleus of the community was the mining kongsi. It might consist of half a dozen men sharing a hut near a small mine in a lonely jungle clearing, or it might be one of many large mines grouped round a thriving township, with a market, gambling-booth, shops, theatres and secret society lodges. The remoter miners lived outside all authority, regulating their own affairs; but in the large centres the miners were drawn together into a single community by a mesh of associations, of which the most important were the kin and territorial associations, the former based on membership of a surname group tracing descent from a common ancestor, and the latter based on common dialect or common place of origin in China. In modern Malaya both types of association perform ritual and welfare functions, building temples, maintaining cemeteries and providing burial insurance, acting as loan societies, providing social assistance and employment services, and providing and maintaining schools. It is likely that in the mining communities of the 1860s and 1870s they had much the same functions, except for the last; there were few children and these were probably privately taught."// (E. Sadka, December 1960: {{ :lampiran:b16497600-sadka.pdf ||}}[[https://openresearch-repository.anu.edu.au/handle/1885/15641|"THE RESIDENTIAL SYSTEM IN THE PROTECTED MALAY STATES, 1874-1895"]], m.s.40). | Ketika itu, setiap kawasan perlombongan diuruskan sepenuhnya oleh pengusaha sesebuah lombong secara autonomi, tanpa campur tangan pihak pentadbiran atau penguasa lain: //"The situation of the mining areas, and the close organisation of the Chinese population meant that they lived in autonomous communities under their own leadership. The nucleus of the community was the mining kongsi. It might consist of half a dozen men sharing a hut near a small mine in a lonely jungle clearing, or it might be one of many large mines grouped round a thriving township, with a market, gambling-booth, shops, theatres and secret society lodges. The remoter miners lived outside all authority, regulating their own affairs; but in the large centres the miners were drawn together into a single community by a mesh of associations, of which the most important were the kin and territorial associations, the former based on membership of a surname group tracing descent from a common ancestor, and the latter based on common dialect or common place of origin in China. In modern Malaya both types of association perform ritual and welfare functions, building temples, maintaining cemeteries and providing burial insurance, acting as loan societies, providing social assistance and employment services, and providing and maintaining schools. It is likely that in the mining communities of the 1860s and 1870s they had much the same functions, except for the last; there were few children and these were probably privately taught."// (E. Sadka, December 1960: {{ :lampiran:b16497600-sadka.pdf ||}}[[https://openresearch-repository.anu.edu.au/handle/1885/15641|"THE RESIDENTIAL SYSTEM IN THE PROTECTED MALAY STATES, 1874-1895"]], m.s.40). |
| Selain gejala sosial seperti kegiatan arak, candu, dan judi, kegiatan perlombongan besar-besaran di era Residen British turut mencemar kawasan pertanian yang berdekatan, khususnya perairan sawah padi: //"tin mining activity, if it was sited in the same area as peasant agriculture,constituted an important disruptive influence on the latter, especially if the agriculture consisted of padi cultivation. The mining activity polluted streams and rivers watering the fields or diverted away water required to irrigate the fields . In its early years, however, mining development had generally taken place in areas located far from the traditional areas of peasant agriculture and damage to the cultivation had been minimised. After the establishment of residential rule, however, there was an increased scale of mining activity and considerable areas of peasant cultivation in the west coast states, both in the traditional as well as the new areas, were rapidly encroached upon. The administration, faced with the dilemma whether it should protect the interests of padi cultivation at the expense of its most important economic activity, was predictably slow to react."// (Lim Teck Ghee, November 1971: {{ :lampiran:b10144249-ghee.pdf ||}}[[https://openresearch-repository.anu.edu.au/handle/1885/109347|"PEASANT AGRICULTURE IN COLONIAL MALAYA: Its Development in Perak, Selangor, Negri Sembilan and Pahang, 1874-1941"]], m.s.60). | Selain gejala sosial seperti kegiatan arak, candu, dan judi, kegiatan perlombongan besar-besaran di era Residen British turut mencemar kawasan pertanian yang berdekatan, khususnya perairan sawah padi: //"tin mining activity, if it was sited in the same area as peasant agriculture,constituted an important disruptive influence on the latter, especially if the agriculture consisted of padi cultivation. The mining activity polluted streams and rivers watering the fields or diverted away water required to irrigate the fields . In its early years, however, mining development had generally taken place in areas located far from the traditional areas of peasant agriculture and damage to the cultivation had been minimised. After the establishment of residential rule, however, there was an increased scale of mining activity and considerable areas of peasant cultivation in the west coast states, both in the traditional as well as the new areas, were rapidly encroached upon. The administration, faced with the dilemma whether it should protect the interests of padi cultivation at the expense of its most important economic activity, was predictably slow to react."// (Lim Teck Ghee, November 1971: {{ :lampiran:b10144249-ghee.pdf ||}}[[https://openresearch-repository.anu.edu.au/handle/1885/109347|"PEASANT AGRICULTURE IN COLONIAL MALAYA: Its Development in Perak, Selangor, Negri Sembilan and Pahang, 1874-1941"]], m.s.60). |
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| | **LATAR PERISTIWA: [[candu|Candu di Tanah Melayu]]**. |
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| ===== 1879-08-30: Balai Polis Rekoh ===== | ===== 1879-08-30: Balai Polis Rekoh ===== |
