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--- mogok_pekerja_ladang_1937 [2022/03/23 07:19] – [Peristiwa Seterusnya] sazli
+++ mogok_pekerja_ladang_1937 [2024/01/23 14:27] (kini) – [Dirujuk oleh] sazli
@@ Line 3: / Line 3: @@
 ===== Dirujuk oleh =====
+  * [[bukit_tunggu_estate|Bukit Tunggu Estate]]
+  * [[https://kl.pulasan.my/hawthornden_estate|Hawthornden Estate (1888-1983)]]
+  * [[kg_sungai_ramal|Kampung Sungai Ramal]]
+  * [[sungei_ramal_estate|Sungei Ramal Estate (1907)]]
   * [[sejarahbangi-1930-1939#insiden_di_belmont_estate|1937-01-29: Insiden di Belmont Estate]]
   * [[sejarahbangi-1930-1939#mogok_pekerja_ladang|1937-03-11: Mogok Pekerja Ladang]]
@@ Line 8: / Line 12: @@
 ===== Ringkasan Kejadian =====
-Pada Khamis 11 Mac 1937, lebih 1,000 orang pekerja ladang (kebanyakannya kaum wanita Tionghua) telah melancarkan mogok di 9 buah ladang getah di Selangor iaitu Ladang Bangi, Connemara, Sungei Rinching, Prang Besar, Sydney, Bukit Tunggu, Balau, Hawthornden, dan Wardieburn (sekitar Bangi, Semenyih, Putrajaya, dan Kuala Lumpur kini). Mereka mengemukakan 19 tuntutan terhadap pihak pengurusan ladang-ladang tersebut, berkaitan kenaikan gaji harian, upah tambahan, hak dan kebajikan pekerja, manfaat ibu bersalin, kemudahan untuk anak-anak pekerja, dan lain-lain. Semuanya berjalan dengan aman, kecuali di Ladang Wardieburn, di mana sedikit kekecohan berlaku akibat salah faham di antara beberapa pekerja dengan seorang wartawan.
+Pada Khamis 11 Mac 1937, lebih 1,000 orang pekerja ladang (kebanyakannya kaum wanita Tionghua) telah melancarkan mogok di 9 buah ladang getah di Selangor iaitu Ladang Bangi, Connemara, Sungei Rinching, Prang Besar, Sydney, [[bukit_tunggu_estate|Bukit Tunggu]], Balau, Hawthornden, dan Wardieburn (sekitar Bangi, Semenyih, Putrajaya, dan Kuala Lumpur kini). Mereka mengemukakan 19 tuntutan terhadap pihak pengurusan ladang-ladang tersebut, berkaitan kenaikan gaji harian, upah tambahan, hak dan kebajikan pekerja, manfaat ibu bersalin, kemudahan untuk anak-anak pekerja, dan lain-lain. Semuanya berjalan dengan aman, kecuali di Ladang Wardieburn, di mana sedikit kekecohan berlaku akibat salah faham di antara beberapa pekerja dengan seorang wartawan.
 //"Kesatuan Pekerja-pekerja Getah (RWU) Selangor dan Negeri Sembilan ditubuhkan dan diikuti dengan pembentukan Jawatankuasa Mogok Kajang pada bulan Mac 1937. Pada 7 Mac 1937, Jawatankuasa Mogok Kajang mengemukakan 19 tuntutan pekerja ladang kepada pihak majikan Ladang Bangi, Ladang Connemara dan Ladang Rinching. Tuntutan pekerja termasuklah kadar gaji minimum tetap $1 sehari ataupun kenaikan gaji sebanyak 50%, penambahbaikan keadaan perumahan, rehat kerja pada cuti umum, faedah kesihatan yang dibayar oleh majikan dan sebagainya. Pekerja-pekerja ladang getah di Selatan Selangor melancarkan mogok apabila pihak majikan enggan melaksanakan tuntutan pekerja. Aksi mogok ini mencapai kemuncak pada 22 Mac 1937, dengan lebih kurang 20,000 orang pekerja ladang di Selangor dan Negeri Sembilan bermogok. Pihak berkuasa bertindak dengan menangkap pemimpin-pemimpin pekerja."// (Belok Kiri @ Sosialis, 18 Februari, 2021: {{ :laman:kronologi_revolusi_dunia_bahagian_2_sosialis.pdf ||}}[[https://sosialis.net/2021/02/18/kronologi-revolusi-dunia-bahagian-2/|"Kronologi Revolusi Dunia (Bahagian 2)"]]).
@@ Line 16: / Line 20: @@
 {{:gambar:rubber-tapper-at-work.jpg?400|}}{{:gambar:rubber-tapper.jpg?400|}} \\
 Penoreh getah Tionghua (Sebahagian daripada model-model pameran di [[https://www.tripadvisor.com/Attraction_Review-g666954-d15306109-Reviews-Malaysian_Chinese_Museum-Sri_Kembangan_Petaling_District_Selangor.html|Malaysian Chinese Museum, Sri Kembangan]]).
+{{:peta:1937-03-11-peta-mogok-1937-ulu-langat.png?450|Peta sekitar daerah Ulu Langat, dengan ladang-ladang yang menyertai mogok wanita Tionghua pada 11 Mac 1937, ditandakan dengan sempadan dan label merah}}{{:peta:1937-03-11-peta-mogok-1937-ulu-langat-kini.png?450|Peta sekitar daerah Ulu Langat, dengan ladang-ladang yang menyertai mogok wanita Tionghua pada 11 Mac 1937, ditandakan dengan sempadan dan label merah (secara kasar)}} \\
+Peta sekitar daerah Ulu Langat, dengan ladang-ladang yang menyertai mogok wanita Tionghua pada 11 Mac 1937, ditandakan dengan sempadan dan label merah. (**Kiri**: 1937, Berdasarkan peta [[https://www.geographicus.com/P/AntiqueMap/selangor-fms-1929|Edward Stanford @ F.M.S. Survey Department, 1929: "1929 F.M.S. Wall Map of Selangor (Kuala Lumpur)"]]. **Kanan**: Kini, Berdasarkan peta [[https://mapcarta.com/15815272|Mapcarta - https://mapcarta.com/15815272]]):-
+  - BANGI (kini Bangi Avenue dan Crescent Park)
+  - CONNEMARA (kini Eco Majestic)
+  - SUNGEI RINCHING (kini Bandar Tasik Kesuma)
+  - PRANG BESAR (kini Putrajaya Precinct 1,2, dan 18)
+  - SYDNEY (kini Bandar Sunway Semenyih dan Taman Desa Mewah)
+  - [[bukit_tunggu_estate|BUKIT TUNGGU]] (kini Bukit Mahkota dan Bandar Puteri Bangi)
+  - BALAU (kini Mutiara Hills) \\ Dua lagi ladang yang tidak kelihatan di dalam peta (kerana lokasinya yang jauh ke utara, di sebelah utara Kuala Lumpur):-
+  - HAWTHORNDEN (kini Wangsa Maju)
+  - WARDIEBURN (kini Danau Kota dan Taman Melati)
+Sempadan kuning pula ialah [[belmont_estate|Ladang Belmont]], lokasi mogok/protes pekerja India pada 29 Januari 1937.
 ===== Liputan Peristiwa =====
@@ Line 21: / Line 39: @@
 Sekitar hari Isnin 8 Mac 1937, sebahagian pekerja Ladang Wardieburn telah berarak dengan mengibarkan bendera merah di sekitar ladang tersebut. Keesokannya (sekitar Selasa 9 Mac 1937), 60 orang pekerja Tionghua telah mogok dan enggan bekerja. Setelah berbincang dengan pegawai Penjaga Cina, mereka kembali bekerja pada keesokan harinya (sekitar Rabu 10 Mac 1937): //"The first signs were seen early this week when factory coolies marched round Wardieburn Estate with a red flag. ... The strike, it was stated, began two days ago when about 60 of the estate labour force, all Chinese, refused to turn up for work. The Protector of Chinese who was informed, had a meeting with the men and they were at work yesterday."//
-Pada Khamis 11 Mac 1937, lebih 1,000 orang pekerja ladang (kebanyakannya kaum wanita Tionghua) telah melancarkan mogok di 9 buah ladang getah di Selangor iaitu Ladang Bangi, Connemara, Sungei Rinching, Prang Besar, Sydney, Bukit Tunggu, Balau, Hawthornden, dan Wardieburn dan menyatakan 18 tuntutan mereka terhadap pihak pengurusan ladang-ladang tersebut: //"There is general unrest on the rubber estates in Selangor and over 1,000 coolies, all Chinese, are striking on nine estates around Kuala Lumpur and Kajang - on the Bangi, Connemara, Sungei Rinching, Prang Besar, Sydney, Bukit Tunggu, Balau, Hawthornden and Wardieburn estates."//
+Pada Khamis 11 Mac 1937, lebih 1,000 orang pekerja ladang (kebanyakannya kaum wanita Tionghua) telah melancarkan mogok di 9 buah ladang getah di Selangor iaitu Ladang Bangi, Connemara, Sungei Rinching, Prang Besar, Sydney, [[bukit_tunggu_estate|Bukit Tunggu]], Balau, Hawthornden, dan Wardieburn dan menyatakan 18 tuntutan mereka terhadap pihak pengurusan ladang-ladang tersebut: //"There is general unrest on the rubber estates in Selangor and over 1,000 coolies, all Chinese, are striking on nine estates around Kuala Lumpur and Kajang - on the Bangi, Connemara, Sungei Rinching, Prang Besar, Sydney, Bukit Tunggu, Balau, Hawthornden and Wardieburn estates."//
 Di Ladang Wardieburn, telah berlaku sedikit kekecohan. Pada mulanya mereka berunding dengan pihak pengurusan ladang berkenaan mengenai 18 tuntutan mereka itu. Kemudiannya situasi menjadi tegang, dan pihak polis dipanggil ke lokasi. Apabila gambar mereka diambil oleh wartawan akhbar tanpa kebenaran mereka, kekecohan berlaku sehingga filem kamera wartawan tersebut terpaksa dimusnahkan. Keadaan reda menjelang lewat petang, dan tuntutan mereka dipertimbangkan pada keesokan paginya: //"The only serious trouble has occurred on Wardieburn Estate. ... This morning everyone of them came to the factory where they squatted around but refused to work. They put forward 18 demands. Mr. Linnel, Mr. Grice and Mr. Davis tried to speak to them, but they suddenly became threatening and the police were called in. ... About 200 Chinese coolies, a large number of them women, armed with bottles, threatened the manager, Mr. H. L. Linnel, and the Protector of Chinese, Mr. Norman Grice, who were attempting to settle a strike among them. ...  The Protector for Chinese in Selangor, Mr. Norman Grice, was surrounded by them on his arrival at about 11 a.m. and as the position appeared serious, the Kuala Lumpur police were summoned. ... Five lorry loads of armed police under the charge of the Chief Police Officer, Mr. A.H. Dickson, the O.S.P.C., Capt Morrish and Mr. R.O. Davis, O.C.D., left for the estate. ... A force of 200 constables with batons and rifles were dispatched under the Chief Police Officer, Mr. A.H. Dickinson, and were stationed outside the factory where the negotiations were being held. The strikers, now numbering about 300, retained their bottles and refused to come to a settlement. ... The estate factory, where the trouble was taking place, was surrounded by the police. The Protector of Chinese and Mr. Linnell spoke to the coolies and soon had the situation in hand. An incident took place, however, which nearly had serious consequences, when a group of the strikers surrounded a pressman and a compatriot who were taking photographs, and demanded the camera with threats. ... About 300 strikers, most of them women armed with bottles, surrounded him (The Straits Times representative who visited Wardieburn Estate) and demanded the destruction of a camera film on which he had taken strike scenes. They mistook the European reporter for a police officer. When he got into his car 200 people formed a wall around it, preventing it from leaving, while six women tore open the doors and leaped in brandishing bottles. The Police dragged the demonstrators out but the demand for the camera continued in excited voices and upon the advice of the police, the reporter destroyed the film. This prevented further serious incidents. ... Police interferred but the men were not satisfied even when the owner of the camera unrolled his film and destroyed it. They only calmed down after he had handed the camera to the police. ... A late message from our representative states that things quietened down in the evening and an agreement has been made between the strikers and the management to discuss terms this morning. There are good grounds for believing that Communist agitators are at work behind these strikes."//
-Sementara itu, bagi mogok di estet Sungei Rinching, [[sejarahbangi-1900-1909#getah_di_malaya|Prang Besar]], [[sejarahbangi-1920-1929#gabungan_ladang_balgownie_dan_connemara|Connemara]], [[sejarahbangi-1910-1919#kindersley_brothers_ladang_balgownie|Bangi]], [[sejarahbangi-1910-1919#ladang_bukit_tunggu_l|Bukit Tunggu(l)]], Sydney, Balau, dan Hawthornden, tuntutan mereka dapat diselesaikan lebih awal: //"Other estates on which strikes among the workers are reported are Sungei Rinching, Prang Besar, Connemara, Bangi, Bukit Tunggu, Sydney, Balau and Hawthornden estates. In these cases, it is understood, the demands of the men have been very reasonable and an early settlement is expected. To accelerate this, a meeting of the managers of the affected estates was held last night to consider the requests put forward by representatives of the strikers. No disturbances have been reported in these cases."//
+Sementara itu, bagi mogok di estet Sungei Rinching, [[sejarahbangi-1900-1909#getah_di_malaya|Prang Besar]], [[sejarahbangi-1920-1929#gabungan_ladang_balgownie_dan_connemara|Connemara]], [[sejarahbangi-1910-1919#kindersley_brothers_ladang_balgownie|Bangi]], [[bukit_tunggu_estate|Bukit Tunggu]], Sydney, Balau, dan Hawthornden, tuntutan mereka dapat diselesaikan lebih awal: //"Other estates on which strikes among the workers are reported are Sungei Rinching, Prang Besar, Connemara, Bangi, Bukit Tunggu, Sydney, Balau and Hawthornden estates. In these cases, it is understood, the demands of the men have been very reasonable and an early settlement is expected. To accelerate this, a meeting of the managers of the affected estates was held last night to consider the requests put forward by representatives of the strikers. No disturbances have been reported in these cases."//
 Pihak pengurusan ladang telah menangani situasi ini secara kolektif. Ada di kalangan para peladang yang mencadangkan agar ditubuhkan suatu lembaga perantara, yang berperanan mengimbangi di antara harga getah semasa dan gaji pekerja ladang. Namun mereka sepakat menyatakan mogok ini adalah pengaruh gerakan komunis, sempena sambutan Hari Wanita Sedunia pada minggu tersebut. Ini berdasarkan ciri-ciri penyusunan serta tuntutan yang sama di setiap lokasi mogok, serta laporan saksi gerakan tersebut di rumah-rumah kongsi pekerja di 2 buah ladang di sekitar Kuala Lumpur: //"More than 1,000 Chinese coolies - many of them women - on nine rubber estates in Selangor are still on strike and planters are suggesting the formation of a wages liaison board. An estate manager with 25 years' experience in Malaya told the Straits Times that such a board should maintain the balance between the price of rubber and estate workers' wages. Managers of estates in the Kajang district are already dealing with the strike situation collectively. The consensus of opinion is that the present labour unrest has been organised by Communistic elements in celebration of International Women's Day, which fell this week. It is reported from two estates near Kuala Lumpur that men were seen cycling to labourers' kongsis and inciting coolie women. Strikes on all estates have been organised in a similar manner; identical lists of 18 demands have been presented to the estate managements."//
@@ Line 48: / Line 66: @@
 Sebelum ini, pekerja ladang tidak membantah atau mogok secara terang-terangan, oleh kerana kedudukan mereka yang rentan dan ketiadaan sebarang saluran pihak berkuasa atau kesatuan sekerja. Mereka membantah secara halus, tersembunyi, dan tanpa perancangan kolektif, contohnya dengan merosakkan premis, pokok getah, atau perkakasan: //"Indian and Chinese workers were not always passive or docile, nor did they readily submit to the arbitrary rules of the colonial state or plantation companies. Generally, workers avoided open confrontation with unjust supervisors and voiced dissatisfaction through actions such as destruction of property, rubber trees or equipment – actions requiring little or no planning or collaboration."// (Amarjit Kaur, 2014: {{ :lampiran:kaurplantationinmalaysia_joac.12061copy.pdf ||}}[[https://doi.org/10.1111/joac.12061|"Plantation Systems, Labour Regimes and the State in Malaysia, 1900–2012"]] ([[https://www.researchgate.net/publication/260643711_Plantation_Systems_Labour_Regimes_and_the_State_in_Malaysia_1900-2012|PDF]]), m.s.12).
-Menjelang tahun 1937, mogok pekerja ladang secara terang-terangan mula berlaku secara berasingan di beberapa ladang di Selangor. Antaranya ialah mogok pekerja di [[belmont_estate|Ladang Belmont]] (sebahagian daripada [[west_country_estate|Ladang West Country]], kini [[pembangunan_bbb|Bandar Baru Bangi]]) pada [[belmont_estate#insiden_pekerja_ladang|29 Januari 1937]]. Ketika itu, 100 orang pekerja Belmont Estate telah bertindak menyerang pembantu pengurus ladang, dikatakan setelah mereka dihukum kerana bermula kerja lewat:- \\
+Menjelang tahun 1937, mogok pekerja ladang secara terang-terangan mula berlaku secara berasingan di beberapa ladang di Selangor. Antaranya ialah peristiwa mogok buruh Cina di sebuah ladang di Kajang pada Februari 1937. Tidak lama selepas itu (Mac 1937), Kesatuan Sekerja Pekerja Ladang Getah Selangor (Selangor Rubber Workers' Union) ditubuhkan, dan merancang mogok secara besar-besaran, mulai 7 Mac. Tuntutan utamanya ialah kenaikan kadar gaji dan hak untuk menubuhkan kesatuan sekerja secara sah. Siri mogok ini turut merebak ke negeri Pulau Pinang, Melaka, dan Johor, juga sektor perlombongan bijih timah dan operasi pengangkutan kereta api. Pasukan polis dipanggil bagi meleraikan demonstrasi, dan 2 pekerja mogok ditembak mati. Khidmat rejimen askar Punjab turut digunakan, dan polis membuat penangkapan besar-besaran. Namun mogok berterusan sehingga pertengahan Ogos 1937. Pada akhirnya, antara persetujuan yang dicapai ialah ketetapan kenaikan kadar gaji kepada 75 sen sehari, serta peraturan yang lebih ketat terhadap kontraktor buruh bagi mengekang penindasan mereka. Selain itu, Kod Buruh turut diperluaskan kepada buruh-buruh Cina, dan pemantauan kebajikan mereka dipertingkatkan:-
-  * //"In 1937, a major strike in the Sungei Palu estate, Cameron Highlands, Pahang, turned violent and labourers' housing was burned. In the same year, about 100 labourers were involved in an assault against the Assistant Manager of the Belmont estate, Selangor. Apparently, the assault occurred after the labourers were punished for being late for muster [Labour Department Reports, 1936, 1937]"// (P. Ramasamy, 1992: {{ :lampiran:ramasamy_labour-countrol-and-labour-resistance-in-the-plantations-of-colonial-malaya.pdf ||}}[[http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03066159208438489|"Labour Control and Labour Resistance in the
-Plantations of Colonial Malaya"]] ([[http://tradeunion.org.my/wp-content/uploads/2019/11/Ramasamy_Labour-Countrol-and-Labour-Resistance-in-the-Plantations-of-Colonial-Malaya.pdf|PDF]]), m.s.103).
-  * //"In Selangor on 29 January 1937 about 100 labourers assaulted the assistant manager in Belmont Estate. The incident was sparked off because the workers were punished for being late for the muster."// (P. Ramasamy, 1994: {{ :buku:8362b4792aeb0d8be0247f49a4f31c6a.pdf ||}}[[http://myagric.upm.edu.my/id/eprint/9362/|"Plantation Labour, Unions, Capital, and the State in Peninsular Malaysia"]] ([[https://sgp1.digitaloceanspaces.com/proletarian-library/books/8362b4792aeb0d8be0247f49a4f31c6a.pdf|PDF]]), m.s.47).
-**LATAR PERISTIWA: [[belmont_estate#insiden_pekerja_ladang|Belmont Estate: 1937-01-29: Insiden Pekerja Ladang]]**.
-Ini diikuti peristiwa mogok buruh Cina di sebuah ladang di Kajang pada Februari 1937. Tidak lama selepas itu (Mac 1937), Kesatuan Sekerja Pekerja Ladang Getah Selangor (Selangor Rubber Workers' Union) ditubuhkan, dan merancang mogok secara besar-besaran, mulai 7 Mac. Tuntutan utamanya ialah kenaikan kadar gaji dan hak untuk menubuhkan kesatuan sekerja secara sah. Siri mogok ini turut merebak ke negeri Pulau Pinang, Melaka, dan Johor, juga sektor perlombongan bijih timah dan operasi pengangkutan kereta api. Pasukan polis dipanggil bagi meleraikan demonstrasi, dan 2 pekerja mogok ditembak mati. Khidmat rejimen askar Punjab turut digunakan, dan polis membuat penangkapan besar-besaran. Namun mogok berterusan sehingga pertengahan Ogos 1937. Pada akhirnya, antara persetujuan yang dicapai ialah ketetapan kenaikan kadar gaji kepada 75 sen sehari, serta peraturan yang lebih ketat terhadap kontraktor buruh bagi mengekang penindasan mereka. Selain itu, Kod Buruh turut diperluaskan kepada buruh-buruh Cina, dan pemantauan kebajikan mereka dipertingkatkan:-
 //"The Government had been able to curb the oversupply of Indian coolie labour in the depths of the Great Depression through manipulation of the Immigration Fund. It had no such power over Chinese immigrants, so in 1931 it enacted an Immigration Ordinance to apply to them, and followed it two years later with the Aliens Ordinance of 1933. These ordinances together set quotas and restored the number of Chinese who could arrive as deck passengers. The ordinances applied only to males, and one of their unintended consequences was a significant increase in the female component of the Chinese plantation workforce. It became more settled, and coolies living near the estates began to supply a much greater proportion of the local labour. This had consequences for the authority of the contractors who did not have the same control over locals as over coolies who were recruited in China, and who owed passage money. Local labour reacted more strongly against abuses like short and irregular payment. But that alone cannot explain the increase in militancy after 1936, which culminated in the General Strike among rubber workers in 1937. This was due to the increased demand for labour which came with recovery in 1934 and afterwards, and the tactical exploitation of that bargaining advantage by the Malayan Communist Party. A Communist Party had operated in Malaya in the 1920s, but as a branch of its Chinese parent. The Malayan Communist Party (MCP) was established in 1930 by decision of the Comintern and its chief industrial front, the Malayan General Labourers’ Union, a few days later. Police raids almost wiped it out at birth, but it recovered sufficiently to be able to integrate itself with various ‘red’ and ‘grey’ unions by 1934. These operated mainly in Singapore, but by 1935, the Party organisation was beginning to supply skilled cadres for the organisation of strikes among Chinese workers on rubber plantations. The MCP’s membership was almost entirely Chinese, and at this stage it had neither the means nor the ambition to reach out to Indian plantation coolies."//
@@ Line 72: / Line 82: @@
   - Bayaran tambahan $2 untuk tugasan membasuh cawan getah.
   - Bayaran 50 sen sebulan untuk pisau penoreh getah, yang disediakan oleh penoreh itu sendiri.
-  - Penguatkuasaan Kod Buruh.
+  - Penguatkuasaan Kod Buruh sebagaimana untuk pekerja ladang India sejak 1909, iaitu penetapan gaji minima, had waktu bekerja, dan piawaian kesihatan. Pekerja harus disediakan perumahan, penjagaan mutu kebersihan, serta bekalan air bersih pada tahap sewajarnya. Khidmat hospital, kakitangan perubatan, serta ubat-ubatan harus diberikan secara percuma.
   - Penyediaan seorang amah bagi setiap 4 orang anak, dengan kadar upah $18 sebulan.
   - Pembinaan sekolah di dalam ladang, dan tenaga pengajarnya disediakan.
@@ Line 227: / Line 237: @@
 ===== Kesan Mogok 1937 =====
-Ini merupakan kali pertama dalam sejarah, persetujuan kolektif dalam skop yang besar telah dapat dicapai dalam industri getah. Walaupun kaedah penguatkuasaannya tidak jelas (kod buruh misalnya memerlukan pemantauan rapi oleh pegawai hal ehwal Cina, yang kurang keupayaan disebabkan skop tugasannya yang luas), ia masih merupakan satu kejayaan besar bagi pekerja ladang Tionghua: //"It is for the first time in history that collective agreements of such scope were concluded in the rubber industry. The strikes of the Chinese estate labourers were won, but the enforcement of the agreements remained uncertain. A full extension of the welfare provisions of the Labour Code to the Chinese labourers required close supervision of estate conditions, and this was beyond the Chinese Protectorate, which was already over-extended in its multifarious functions . Neither was there a proper machinery or agreed procedure to settle problems arising out of the implementation of the agreements. As prices fell steadily towards the latter part of the year, there was renewed attempt by rubber planters to reduce wage rates. In October leaflets appeared in some estates in Malacca and Negri Sembilan, alleging that the planters were trying to cut wages. In spite of those weaknesses in the enforcement of collective agreement, the big strikes were a tremendous success for Chinese estate labourers."// (Tai Yuen, 1973: {{ buku:03af2c4afd29f8fb3d44136567ab91a1.pdf||}}[[http://dx.doi.org/10.5353/th_b3120344|"Labour unrest in Malaya, 1934-1941"]] ([[https://p-library2.s3.filebase.com/books/03af2c4afd29f8fb3d44136567ab91a1.pdf|PDF]]), m.s.154).
+Ini merupakan kali pertama dalam sejarah, persetujuan kolektif dalam skop yang besar telah dapat dicapai dalam industri getah. Walaupun kaedah penguatkuasaannya tidak jelas (kod buruh misalnya memerlukan pemantauan rapi oleh pegawai hal ehwal Cina, yang kurang keupayaan disebabkan skop tugasannya yang luas), ia masih merupakan suatu kejayaan besar bagi pekerja Tionghua:-
+//"It is for the first time in history that collective agreements of such scope were concluded in the rubber industry. The strikes of the Chinese estate labourers were won, but the enforcement of the agreements remained uncertain. A full extension of the welfare provisions of the Labour Code to the Chinese labourers required close supervision of estate conditions, and this was beyond the Chinese Protectorate, which was already over-extended in its multifarious functions . Neither was there a proper machinery or agreed procedure to settle problems arising out of the implementation of the agreements. As prices fell steadily towards the latter part of the year, there was renewed attempt by rubber planters to reduce wage rates. In October leaflets appeared in some estates in Malacca and Negri Sembilan, alleging that the planters were trying to cut wages. In spite of those weaknesses in the enforcement of collective agreement, the big strikes were a tremendous success for Chinese estate labourers."// (Tai Yuen, 1973: {{ buku:03af2c4afd29f8fb3d44136567ab91a1.pdf||}}[[http://dx.doi.org/10.5353/th_b3120344|"Labour unrest in Malaya, 1934-1941"]] ([[https://p-library2.s3.filebase.com/books/03af2c4afd29f8fb3d44136567ab91a1.pdf|PDF]]), m.s.154).
 Mogok 1937 telah menyebabkan pihak kerajaan British mengambil perhatian yang lebih serius terhadap hal ehwal pekerja Tionghua. W.L. Blythe, seorang pegawai Hal-Ehwal Cina, dilantik untuk menjalankan tinjauan menyeluruh terhadap keadaan pekerja Cina di FMS dari Oktober hingga November 1937, menghasilkan Laporan Blythe pada November 1938, yang menjadi panduan dasar-dasar baru bagi menaiktaraf penjagaan kebajikan pekerja Tionghua di Malaya. Namun serangan Jepun ke atas Malaya pada Disember 1941 telah membantutkan usaha-usaha ini: //"W.L. Blythe, a Chinese Protectorate officer, was thus appointed to conduct 'a comprehensive survey of the conditions under which Chinese is employed' in the FMS from October to December 1937. The Blythe Report, despatched to Whitehall in November 1938, must have proved highly helpful to colonial administration of Chinese affairs. ...  In August 1937 Whitehall proposed the creation of a single department to take charge of the whole field of labour. The Chinese Protectorate and the existing Labour Department would then confine their tasks to dealing with Chinese and Indian socio-political issues. In November 1938 Thomas advised against the proposal on the grounds that a single Labour Department would not only prove financially prohibitive but would also undermine administrative control over Chinese and Indian socio-political issues because of their interrelation with labour questions. ... As a top to Whitehall officials, Thomas proposed to station a senior Chinese Protectorate officer in the Labour Department as Deputy Controller of Labour. He effectively cited the Blythe Report in support of his views on the above proposals. Whitehall agreed, and such a Deputy Controller of Labour was appointed in 1939. His tasks were to encourage joint studies of common labour problems, examine how certain welfare provisions of the Labour Code might be extended to Chinese labour, supervise the development of Chinese trade unions, and generally to speed up and enhance co-ordination between the Chinese Protectorate and the Labour Department. It is doubtful that much could have been achieved in the above matters before the Japanese invasion of Malaya in December 1941."//
+Sementara itu, pekerja India juga turut melancarkan mogok dan protes, namun secara berasingan dan lebih spontan, contohnya di [[belmont_estate|Ladang Belmont]] (sebahagian daripada [[west_country_estate|Ladang West Country]], kini [[pembangunan_bbb|Bandar Baru Bangi]]) pada [[belmont_estate#insiden_pekerja_ladang|29 Januari 1937]]. Ketika itu, 100 orang pekerja Belmont Estate telah bertindak menyerang pembantu pengurus ladang, dikatakan setelah mereka dihukum kerana bermula kerja lewat:- \\
+  * //"In 1937, a major strike in the Sungei Palu estate, Cameron Highlands, Pahang, turned violent and labourers' housing was burned. In the same year, about 100 labourers were involved in an assault against the Assistant Manager of the Belmont estate, Selangor. Apparently, the assault occurred after the labourers were punished for being late for muster [Labour Department Reports, 1936, 1937]"// (P. Ramasamy, 1992: {{ :lampiran:ramasamy_labour-countrol-and-labour-resistance-in-the-plantations-of-colonial-malaya.pdf ||}}[[http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03066159208438489|"Labour Control and Labour Resistance in the
+Plantations of Colonial Malaya"]] ([[http://tradeunion.org.my/wp-content/uploads/2019/11/Ramasamy_Labour-Countrol-and-Labour-Resistance-in-the-Plantations-of-Colonial-Malaya.pdf|PDF]]), m.s.103).
+  * //"In Selangor on 29 January 1937 about 100 labourers assaulted the assistant manager in Belmont Estate. The incident was sparked off because the workers were punished for being late for the muster."// (P. Ramasamy, 1994: {{ :buku:8362b4792aeb0d8be0247f49a4f31c6a.pdf ||}}[[http://myagric.upm.edu.my/id/eprint/9362/|"Plantation Labour, Unions, Capital, and the State in Peninsular Malaysia"]] ([[https://sgp1.digitaloceanspaces.com/proletarian-library/books/8362b4792aeb0d8be0247f49a4f31c6a.pdf|PDF]]), m.s.47).
+**LATAR PERISTIWA: [[belmont_estate#insiden_pekerja_ladang|Belmont Estate: 1937-01-29: Insiden Pekerja Ladang]]**.
+Sekitar tahun 1940, kesan pengaruh para aktivis nasionalis India, mereka mula menubuhkan kesatuan-kesatuan sekerja. Kenaikan gaji pekerja Tionghua hasil mogok tahun 1937 itu (menjadi lebih tinggi berbanding pekerja India) turut melatari tuntutan-tuntutan mereka, yang antara lain menuntut kenaikan gaji yang sama. Kegiatan ini mencapai kemuncaknya dalam siri mogok besar-besaran melibatkan lebih 20,000 pekerja India di daerah Klang, Selangor pada bulan April-Mei 1941.
 Ringkasnya, penindasan dan penderitaan yang dialami oleh semua pekerja di zaman meleset mendorong mereka bekerjasama tanpa mengira bangsa, demi kenaikan gaji dan kebajikan mereka, dengan bersenjatakan mogok. Hasilnya, selain berjaya mencapai sebahagian usaha mereka, mereka juga dapat membina kesatuan-kesatuan pekerja (sebanyak 178 buah kesatuan pada tahun 1941) secara kolektif dan tersusun, antaranya General Labour Union (GLU), walaupun kerajaan hanya membenarkan penubuhan kesatuan ini secara rasmi pada tahun 1941. Mereka menerima kesedaran serta pengaruh politik dan ideologi yang besar daripada gerakan-gerakan pekerja di India dan Cina, seterusnya melalui pelbagai konflik dalam industri, juga gerakan anti-Jepun selepasnya. Antara kelemahan gerakan ini adalah pemisahan latar dan perbezaan suasana yang ketara di antara pekerja India dan Cina, serta kekurangan kesatuan di dalam industri besar iaitu getah dan timah, juga di kalangan pekerja India. Namun gerakan ini masih berjaya mencapai beberapa objektifnya dalam tawar-menawar secara kolektif, berorganisasi, serta aksi politiknya: //"The period 1934-41 witnessed a tremendous upsurge of labour unrest in Malaya. Beginning with the skilled artisans in 1934, large numbers of labourers in almost all industries throughout Malaya were swept into the vortex of industrial conflict in the following years. Both the Chinese and the Indian labourers had learnt to combine against their employers for higher wages and better working conditions, and the strike weapon was constantly used to enforce their demands. As a result the workers managed to rise from the depths of the Great Depression and secure hitherto unknown improvement in working conditions. This was accompanied by an enormous growth in the strength of organized labour. In 1941 at least 178 workers' associations were in existence in Malaya, and over two-thirds of these were formed during 1934-41. The illegal leftist General Labour Union also grew in strength in addition to a number of political associations which included labourers in their membership. The labour organizations had assumed the functions of trade unions to all intents and purposes although trade union status was not recognized by law until 1940-41. The widespread collective bargainings in conjunction with the remarkable growth of labour unions suggest that the period under review was the formative years of trade unionism in Malaya. Labour at this stage had not yet entered into the field of legislation, but they came to acquire a wealth of experience in political conflict through industrial conflict and the anti-Japanese campaign. Through these and the politico-ideological influence of China and India, the political consciousness of the labourers was enhanced. ... The inadequacies of collective bargaining consisted in the fact that it was not equally effective in all industries and at all times, the gains had not fallen equally on the Indian and the Chinese labourers, the machinery of collective bargaining was incomplete, and it had not succeeded in removing the basic causes of labour discontent. The main weakness of labour organization lay in the paucity of labour associations in the all-important rubber and tin industries and among Indian labourers. These weaknesses, however, did not detract from the significant achievements of the Malayan labourers in collective bargaining, labour organization and political action in those turbulent years."// (Tai Yuen, 1973: {{ buku:03af2c4afd29f8fb3d44136567ab91a1.pdf||}}[[http://dx.doi.org/10.5353/th_b3120344|"Labour unrest in Malaya, 1934-1941"]] ([[https://p-library2.s3.filebase.com/books/03af2c4afd29f8fb3d44136567ab91a1.pdf|PDF]]), m.s.4).