todi [Cebisan Sejarah Bangi]

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====== Todi di Malaya ======

===== Dirujuk oleh =====

  * [[sejarahbangi-1910-1919#kedai_todi|1918-07-06: Kedai Todi]]

===== Perihal =====

Todi ialah sejenis minuman keras berasaskan nira kelapa, yang popular di kalangan pekerja ladang getah Tamil dan Kerala sejak 1886. Kesan serta tanggapan buruk terhadap minuman ini telah melahirkan beberapa gerakan anti-todi, sehingga memaksa pihak British mengawal penjualannya mulai awal tahun 1900-an: //"In the Malaysian Peninsula, the toddy drinking culture traces as far back as 1886, and was popularized by Tamil and Keralan migrants who were brought by the British for labor. The Indian migrants were delegated to work in rubber estates, where, after their early morning shifts tapping trees, many men would drink toddy as a social activity. The beverage was accessible, cheap, and requires no processing at all. ... While it’s unclear when Malaysian and British authorities began to clamp down on toddy shops, complaints of toddy consumers and warning letters addressed to toddy shop owners to regulate the sale and distribution of the drink have been recorded since the early 1900s."// (Surekha Ragavan, 16/03/2018: {{ :laman:the_complicated_history_behind_malaysia_s_forgotten_booze.pdf ||}}[[https://www.vice.com/en/article/neqpnb/the-racist-history-behind-malaysias-forgotten-alcohol|"The Complicated History Behind Malaysia's Forgotten Booze"]]).

===== Latar Sejarah =====

Walaupun todi berasal dari India dan dibawa oleh para migrannya sendiri, pembudayaannya di sini amat berbeza, iaitu berlatarkan sistem perburuhan yang menindas: //"Kaum India telah dibawa masuk secara beramai-ramai ke Tanah Melayu sekitar 1900 oleh penjajah British untuk menjayakan dasar ekonomi mereka, khususnya dalam sektor perladangan. ... Orang India yang datang ke Tanah Melayu secara umumnya terbabit dalam sektor perburuhan terutamanya di ladang-ladang getah. Todi dianggap menjadi punca utama keruntuhan imej buruh India di Tanah Melayu serta membantutkan perkembangan sosial kaum India di kawasan ladang. Golongan buruh ini hanya digunakan untuk menjayakan kepentingan pihak British serta majikan di ladang namun kebajikan mereka tidak diberi perhatian yang sewajarnya. Semua kemudahan yang disediakan kepada mereka hanya bertujuan untuk mengekalkan mereka di bawah sistem ikatan ladang dan bukan untuk membantu atau mengubah nasib hidup mereka. Oleh sebab buruh ini tidak dapat keluar dari ladang, maka hubungan dengan dunia luar terputus dan hal ini telah menghadkan pergaulan sosial mereka, bukan sahaja dengan golongan atasan malah antara sesama buruh sendiri. Bagi kalangan buruh yang hidup dalam sistem ladang ini, semua keperluan yang disediakan oleh majikan sudah memadai dan mereka beranggapan kehidupan mereka di ladang sudah begitu lengkap. Dalam pada itu, kemudahan todi yang disediakan oleh majikan ladang telah mendorong pengambilan todi dalam kalangan buruh pada setiap hari. Buruh ladang menerima baik kehadiran dan kewujudan kedai todi disebabkan kedai ini merupakan satu-satunya tempat bagi mereka melepaskan tekanan. Pengenalan todi kemudiannya telah mengakibatkan ketagihan dalam kalangan buruh sehinggakan mereka tidak dapat bekerja tanpa mengambil todi terlebih dahulu. Tiga implikasi terbesar yang dikenal pasti melanda hampir semua buruh India ladang di Tanah Melayu akibat dari pengambilan todi ialah masalah kesihatan, kemiskinan dan masalah sosial."// (Parameswari Krishnan @  Vol. 23 No. 1 (2014): SEJARAH: {{ :lampiran:18903_implikasi_pengambilan_todi_dalam_kalangan_masyarakat_india_ladang_di_tanah_melayu_1900-1957.pdf ||}}[[https://ejournal.um.edu.my/index.php/SEJARAH/article/view/9282|"IMPLIKASI PENGAMBILAN TODI DALAM KALANGAN MASYARAKAT INDIA LADANG DI TANAH MELAYU, 1900-1957"]], m.s. 1-2).

Budaya todi terbit daripada tekanan hidup: //"Buruh-buruh ladang sebenarnya melihat kedai todi ini sebagai tempat untuk ‘eskapisme’. Eskapisme yang dimaksudkan di sini ialah lari dari hakikat atau kenyataan hidup ladang yang tertekan. Peminum todi biasanya berasal dari kalangan yang mempunyai status sosioekonomi yang rendah. Mereka sentiasa menghadapi masalah kewangan terutama untuk membeli makanan serta kemudahan asas yang lain. Beban kewangan ini begitu mendesak apabila buruh-buruh yang berkeluarga biasanya terpaksa menanggung keluarga yang besar sedangkan pendapatan yang diterima tidak mencukupi. Dianggarkan sesebuah keluarga di ladang mempunyai lima orang anak atau lebih dan saiz keluarga yang besar ini sudah tentu membebankan buruh-buruh ini. Selain itu, masalah-masalah keluarga yang sering berlaku iaitu pertengkaran dan pergaduhan antara ahli keluarga dan saudara mara turut mencetuskan tekanan kepada seseorang individu. Pertengkaran dan pertelingkahan juga sering berlaku di antara majikan dengan buruh. Misalnya, dalam hal gaji, kemudahan, kerja dan sebagainya. Maka, untuk melarikan diri daripada masalah-masalah tersebut, mereka mula mencari alternatif dan satu cara yang terdekat dengan mereka adalah pengambilan todi. Jelas bahawa, masyarakat India di kawasan ladang melarikan diri daripada masalah dengan mengambil todi. Mereka beranggapan dengan pengambilan todi, segala masalah dapat diselesaikan. Realitinya, todi hanya membuatkan peminum lupa masalahnya hanya untuk jangka masa yang singkat sahaja sebaliknya membawa keburukan dalam jangka panjang."// (Parameswari Krishnan and J.Hinduja Jayer Raman, 2017: {{ :lampiran:66-116-1-pb.pdf ||}}[[http://ocs.journals.unisel.edu.my/ocs/index.php/imc17/schedule/paper/view/66|"Kesan-kesan todi dalam kalangan buruh India ladang di Negeri-negeri Melayu Tidak Bersekutu, 1900-1957"]], m.s.3-4).

===== Penghasilan =====

==== Pemungutan Nira ====

Peringkat pertama ialah pemungutan nira kelapa, oleh tenaga terlatih, lazimnya dari kalangan migran India kasta Nadar: //"The Toddy Tapper: The tappers are mainly Southern Indians of the Nadar caste. They are tappers by caste, this is the only work they know. In Kedah, however, a number of Malayalees are employed. Indians of the Nadar caste have a well established reputation as being clever climbers; employers in the industry generally prefer to employ them. It is said that the finer art of tapping is seldom taught to local Indians of other castes. There is no shortage of tappers in Malaya. In Negeri Sembilan there is large number of Indians whose pre-war occupation was toddy tapping. .... It is a skilled job and a man cannot come from another occupation straightaway become a tapper. Most of them are wedded to toddy and drink as much as ¾ gallon each day. The contractors admits that the tappers take as much as 5 to 6 pints daily during their tapping; in fact it is more in the nature of a ration and that the tappers are free to take the liquor away with them. This is not largesse from a benevolent contractor, but is done simply because he fears that if he doesn‟t give them the toddy or allow them to take it, they will either refuse to work or start to tap illicitly. There is no training centre in Malaya for toddy tappers. If a person wishes to become a toddy tapper, he makes arrangements with a skilled tapper to teach him the art of climbing and tapping a coconut tree. It is said that it takes a person about 6 months to acquire sufficient skill and confidence in climbing and tapping. Generally speaking, a toddy tapper begins as an apprentice at the age of about 19 and retires from the occupation when he reaches 50 or so, but there are a few tappers in Malaya who are still employed on this arduous work though they are nearing 60."// (Dr. Parameswari Krishnan, Dr. J. Hinduja Jayer Raman @ International Journal of Humanities and Social Science Vol. 8, No. 10, October 2018: {{ :lampiran:ijhssnet-vol_8_no_10_october_2018-16.pdf ||}}[[http://dx.doi.org/10.30845/ijhss.v8n10p16|"Toddy Business among the Indian Labour in Colonial Malaya, 1900-1957"]], m.s.151).

{{:gambar:1520498252019-credit_-national-archives-of-malaysia.jpeg?400|Pemungut nira kelapa}} \\
Pemungut nira kelapa: "//At the work place, for greater freedom of movement of his limbs all that the tapper wears whilst is a pair of short pants. He has a self-made container (in Tamil “Chatti”) tied to his waist by means of a leather belt. Hanging from the belt is an empty gourd. In the container are kept his implements, namely a curved tapping knife, a pruning knife, some rattan strips and a wooden mallet. In addition, he has a long piece of wood on which is sprayed stone powder for sharpening knives. If steps on the trunks of his trees are not cut he uses a climbing twine and slings it round both his feet to aid him in his climb. Nowadays, however, the climbing twine is seldom used as steps are normally cut on the tree trunks. Besides his implements he also carries in his hand a large earthen pot."// (Dr. Parameswari Krishnan, Dr. J. Hinduja Jayer Raman @ International Journal of Humanities and Social Science Vol. 8, No. 10, October 2018: {{ :lampiran:ijhssnet-vol_8_no_10_october_2018-16.pdf ||}}[[http://dx.doi.org/10.30845/ijhss.v8n10p16|"Toddy Business among the Indian Labour in Colonial Malaya, 1900-1957"]], m.s.151). (Sumber gambar: Surekha Ragavan, 16/03/2018: {{ :laman:the_complicated_history_behind_malaysia_s_forgotten_booze.pdf ||}}[[https://www.vice.com/en/article/neqpnb/the-racist-history-behind-malaysias-forgotten-alcohol|"The Complicated History Behind Malaysia's Forgotten Booze"]]).

===== Jenis Todi =====

Terdapat kekeliruan mengenai istilah "todi", oleh kerana terdapat beberapa jenis dan peringkat penghasilannya, seperti yang diterangkan di bawah.
==== Todi Tulen ====

//"Todi merupakan jus bergula yang diambil dari bahagian putik bunga yang belum mekar di pokok kelapa atau diperolehi daripada pelbagai jenis pokok palma. Todi mengandungi sedikit alkohol, mempunyai Vitamin B2 dan tidak memudaratkan kesihatan jika diambil dalam kuantiti yang sederhana dan diminum dalam tempoh masa 12 jam daripada masa todi diambil dari pokok. Pada asasnya, sumber minuman yang dikumpul dari pokok kelapa disebut sebagai nira kerana belum melalui proses penapaian dan tidak mempunyai kandungan alkohol. Jika ada sekalipun, kandungannya
hanya dalam kadar yang sangat kecil. Nira bermakna minuman yang baru sahaja diambil dari pokok dan tidak melalui sebarang proses penambahan bahan dan kesegaran ini kekal dalam tempoh 12 jam. Jika diambil dalam tempoh ini, todi bukan sahaja tidak menjejaskan kesihatan malah tidak memabukkan. Selepas nira melalui proses penapaian disebut sebagai todi. Proses ini berlaku dengan cepat ekoran wujudnya yis secara semula jadi. Proses penapaian sebenarnya berlaku sejurus selepas nira dikumpul iaitu selepas 1-2 jam dan ini berterusan sehingga kandungan alkohol meningkat sehingga 10 peratus. Selepas proses penapaian, todi yang dihasilkan harus diminum dalam tempoh 24 hingga 48 jam. Bagi 36 jam pertama, todi adalah minuman yang tidak merbahaya. Walau bagaimanapun, selepas tempoh 48 jam, todi tidak sesuai diminum. Selepas 60 jam, kandungan asid dalam todi adalah sangat tinggi dan jika diambil boleh menjejaskan kesihatan."// (Parameswari Krishnan @  Vol. 23 No. 1 (2014): SEJARAH: {{ :lampiran:18903_implikasi_pengambilan_todi_dalam_kalangan_masyarakat_india_ladang_di_tanah_melayu_1900-1957.pdf ||}}[[https://ejournal.um.edu.my/index.php/SEJARAH/article/view/9282|"IMPLIKASI PENGAMBILAN TODI DALAM KALANGAN MASYARAKAT INDIA LADANG DI TANAH MELAYU, 1900-1957"]], m.s. 3).

Minuman todi mengikut peringkat penapaiannya: //"Coconut flower buds are tapped for their sap before they bloom, and the liquid collects overnight in a container on the tree. Early every morning, agile climbers collect the sap, and it ferments on its own throughout the day, with different flavor profiles at different stages. Freshly collected toddy is sweet and often preferred by younger folks. By noon it is sour, turning thick and very sour by evening. This is usually the taste profile of choice for the older generation."// (Annie Hariharan, Alia Ali, 14 April 2021: {{ :laman:malaysian_toddy_tuak_and_tapai_keep_tradition_alive_whetstone_magazine.pdf ||}}[[https://www.whetstonemagazine.com/journal/malaysian-toddy-tuak-and-tapai-keep-tradition-alive|"MALAYSIAN TODDY, TUAK AND TAPAI KEEP TRADITION ALIVE"]]).

==== Todi Tidak Tulen ====

//"Todi tidak tulen ialah todi yang telah mengalami campuran iaitu todi dicampur dengan pelbagai bahan yang boleh membawa ketagihan atau kemabukan tinggi seperti ganja, datura, alkohol, limau, samsu dan todi lama. Todi ini tidak asli lagi dan rasanya akan berubah mengikut bahan campuran. Datura (sejenis dadah dalam bentuk tumbuhan) dahulunya
banyak digunakan di India dan mula menjadi ikutan orang India di Tanah Melayu. Datura merupakan sejenis tumbuhan yang dikatakan dapat menghasilkan keadaan mabuk dengan cepat. Biji datura akan ditumbuk dan hasilnya akan diikat dalam kain. Kemudian, hasil yang ditumbuk akan diperah ke dalam todi. Para peminum todi berpendapat campuran todi dengan datura dapat membawa mereka ke dunia yang lain dan menyeronokkan kerana campuran datura dalam todi dapat menghilangkan rasa todi lama. Campuran todi lama iaitu lebih dari 60 jam dengan todi baru juga menjadi punca utama dalam menjejaskan kesihatan buruh India. Campuran todi ini tidak dapat dibezakan rasanya dengan todi 36 jam.
Lebih-lebih lagi, todi 60 jam dengan tambahan sedikit gula ataupun dengan sedikit alkohol, tidak dapat dibezakan rasa dengan todi 40 jam. Walau bagaimanapun, dalam kedua-dua cara ini, kandungan alkohol akan menurun dalam beberapa jam dan kandungan asidnya akan meningkat. Ini akan membahayakan kesihatan para peminum."// (Parameswari Krishnan @  Vol. 23 No. 1 (2014): SEJARAH: {{ :lampiran:18903_implikasi_pengambilan_todi_dalam_kalangan_masyarakat_india_ladang_di_tanah_melayu_1900-1957.pdf ||}}[[https://ejournal.um.edu.my/index.php/SEJARAH/article/view/9282|"IMPLIKASI PENGAMBILAN TODI DALAM KALANGAN MASYARAKAT INDIA LADANG DI TANAH MELAYU, 1900-1957"]], m.s. 3-4).

===== Penjualan =====

3 jenis kedai todi di Tanah Melayu, terutamanya di Selangor dan Perak: //"In Malaya, areas settled by the majority of Indians were found in the states of Selangor, Perak, Kedah, Johore, Malacca, Penang, and Negeri Sembilan. At the time, Perak and Selangor were the main focus of the British, as they had the largest number of plantations. Toddy sales in Selangor and Perak existed in the three forms of estate, government, and public toddy shops."// (Dr. Parameswari Krishnan, Dr. J. Hinduja Jayer Raman @ International Journal of Humanities and Social Science Vol. 8, No. 10, October 2018: {{ :lampiran:ijhssnet-vol_8_no_10_october_2018-16.pdf ||}}[[http://dx.doi.org/10.30845/ijhss.v8n10p16|"Toddy Business among the Indian Labour in Colonial Malaya, 1900-1957"]], m.s.157).

==== Kedai Todi Kerajaan ====

Kerajaan turut memperolehi keuntungan secara langsung dari kegiatan meminum todi, melalui kedai-kedai yang dimiliki dan diuruskan sepenuhnya oleh pihak kerajaan: //"Government toddy shops owned and managed by the State or Settlement Government. In many cases toddy is supplied and delivered to the shop by a licensed toddy tapping contractor at an agreed rate per gallon. Usually it is delivered twice a day. ... In North and Central Johore the Customs Department employs tappers direct to obtain toddy for the shops there. Large shops generally have a manager, one or two salesman and a watchman while small shops have only a clerk or salesman in charge and a watchman. They are all Government employees. These shops are in in town and are open generally from 10 a.m. to 7 p.m. daily. All net profits go to the State / Settlement Government as revenue. There are no shops in Pahang and Perlis."// (Dr. Parameswari Krishnan, Dr. J. Hinduja Jayer Raman @ International Journal of Humanities and Social Science Vol. 8, No. 10, October 2018: {{ :lampiran:ijhssnet-vol_8_no_10_october_2018-16.pdf ||}}[[http://dx.doi.org/10.30845/ijhss.v8n10p16|"Toddy Business among the Indian Labour in Colonial Malaya, 1900-1957"]], m.s.154).

==== Kedai Todi Ladang ====

Sumber todi utama bagi pekerja ladang, diuruskan sepenuhnya oleh pengurusan ladang, di bawah permit dan perlesenan kerajaan, serta kawalan Jabatan Kastam. 40% pendapatan kasarnya disalurkan kepada kerajaan, manakala seluruh keuntungannya digunakan untuk pembiayaan kebajikan pekerja: //"The second type of toddy shop was the estate or plantation toddy shop. The shop is licensed in the name of the estate manager and was managed by estate managers or employers. Some estates employ tappers direct and pay them either on a daily-rate or piece-rate basis, while other estates arrange with licensed toddy tapping contractors for the supply of toddy an agreed rate per gallon. The estate toddy shop is opened from 3 p.m. to 6 p.m.or from 4 p.m. to 7 p.m. The Customs Department limits the supply of toddy to the shop to ensure that there is no excessive drinking. This was because the Indian labourers in the estate were the majority consumers in the colonial period. 40% of the gross takings go to the State or Settlement Government as revenue and all the net profits was used for the benefit and welfare of the Indian labourers."// (Dr. Parameswari Krishnan, Dr. J. Hinduja Jayer Raman @ International Journal of Humanities and Social Science Vol. 8, No. 10, October 2018: {{ :lampiran:ijhssnet-vol_8_no_10_october_2018-16.pdf ||}}[[http://dx.doi.org/10.30845/ijhss.v8n10p16|"Toddy Business among the Indian Labour in Colonial Malaya, 1900-1957"]], m.s.154).

==== Kedai Todi Awam ====

Kedai todi kerajaan yang dikontrakkan kepada pemegang lesen perniagaan todi, melalui proses tender. 40% pendapatan kasarnya disalurkan kepada Jabatan Kastam melalui "Sistem 2/5 (//Two-fifths System//)" untuk tujuan pemantauan: //"Public toddy shops were managed by successful tenderers under government supervision. This shop is run on terms agreed upon between Government and the successful tenderer and hours for the sale of toddy are the same as those of a Government toddy shop. 40% of the gross takings are taken by the Customs Department. ... Licensed toddy business in Perak and Selangor began in 1910 under the toddy plantation system. Under this system, the government bought toddy directly from the coconut plantations and supply them to estate toddy shops. As this process complicated the process of supply and supervision of toddy shops, as well as the need for higher rent and revenue, in 1911 the government suggested a tender and licence system to open toddy shops in estates and towns. This new system was well-received, as each retailer has the opportunity to manage their private toddy shop after obtaining their tender and licence. However, toddy shops were still under government purview. In 1912, the government opened tender for toddy shops in each district in Selangor. In Perak in 1918, 21 toddy shops for Larut district and 24 toddy shops for Kinta district were offered under the new tender system. Under the Excise Enactment, the government opened 22 new toddy shops in estates in Kuala Lumpur for the first six months, and 20 shops for the last six months of 1913. In 1914 and 1915, the licence and tender system was introduced state wide in Selangor. Under the licence and tender system, those who wanted to obtain a licence for opening a toddy shop must get the tender from the Customs Department. Usually in Perak and Selangor, priority for issuing licences was given to the highest bidder. However, if the applicant offering the highest tender was suspicious and has caused problems on a previous occasion, licence would be given to the second-highest bidder. ... The relatively easy, wide-spread, and open awarding of licences, as well as disorganised inspection and surveillance of toddy shops led to the selling of adulterated toddy in licensed toddy shops. To prevent this problem, in the 1915 Customs Enactment, the two-fifths system was introduced in Perak and Selangor. The toddy shops in this system were only for estate labourers, and the sales account must be in order. Through this system, each licensed estate or government toddy shop owner must hand two-fifths of their sales revenue to the Customs Department every month, and the remaining profit spent wholly for the facilitation and benefit of the estate Indian labourers. The total amount channelled depended on the number of Indian labourers in the estates, as the Indian labourers in estates spent a large amount of their wages on toddy and faced financial problems in supporting their family."// (Dr. Parameswari Krishnan, Dr. J. Hinduja Jayer Raman @ International Journal of Humanities and Social Science Vol. 8, No. 10, October 2018: {{ :lampiran:ijhssnet-vol_8_no_10_october_2018-16.pdf ||}}[[http://dx.doi.org/10.30845/ijhss.v8n10p16|"Toddy Business among the Indian Labour in Colonial Malaya, 1900-1957"]], m.s.157-158).

==== Daerah Ulu Langat ====

//"In Ulu Langat district, there were eight licensed toddy shops in estates, which were the Sungai Rinching, Dunedin, Balau, Semenyih, Glengowrie, Sydney, Bhutan, and Rinching estates, which used the two-fifths system. At the time, the Licensing Board decided to eliminate all public toddy shops and convert them to estate and government toddy shops to facilitate surveillance and inspection. Even though the two-fifths system was introduced, many still sold the doctored or impure toddy for higher profit, which negatively affected the health of the workers."// (Dr. Parameswari Krishnan, Dr. J. Hinduja Jayer Raman @ International Journal of Humanities and Social Science Vol. 8, No. 10, October 2018: {{ :lampiran:ijhssnet-vol_8_no_10_october_2018-16.pdf ||}}[[http://dx.doi.org/10.30845/ijhss.v8n10p16|"Toddy Business among the Indian Labour in Colonial Malaya, 1900-1957"]], m.s.158).

===== Permasalahan =====

==== Kemerosotan Kesihatan ====

Disebabkan kekurangan perkhidmatan kesihatan serta kemudahan-kemudahan lain di ladang-ladang sehingga tahun 1940-an, masyarakat ladang terpaksa menaruh kepercayaan, serta bergantung kepada pengambilan todi sebagai penawar, perawat, malah pencegah penyakit. Namun disebabkan tahap kebersihan yang rendah dalam penyediaannya, serta gejala ketidaktulenan todi di kalangan pembekalnya, ia mendatangkan kesan buruk kepada kesihatan mereka. Pihak British kemudiannya menyedari akan hal ini dan mula mengambil langkah mengawalnya: //"Usaha telah dibuat pada tahun 1917, apabila sebuah jawatankuasa yang diketuai oleh Dr. Watson telah ditubuhkan bagi mengkaji aspek pengambilan todi dan kesannya terhadap kesihatan buruh di kawasan ladang. ... Dalam laporannya, beliau secara jelas menyatakan bahawa pengambilan todi campuran telah membawa kemudaratan terhadap kesihatan buruh di mana kebanyakannya mengalami cirit-birit dan disentri selepas mengambil minuman tersebut."// (Parameswari Krishnan @  Vol. 23 No. 1 (2014): SEJARAH: {{ :lampiran:18903_implikasi_pengambilan_todi_dalam_kalangan_masyarakat_india_ladang_di_tanah_melayu_1900-1957.pdf ||}}[[https://ejournal.um.edu.my/index.php/SEJARAH/article/view/9282|"IMPLIKASI PENGAMBILAN TODI DALAM KALANGAN MASYARAKAT INDIA LADANG DI TANAH MELAYU, 1900-1957"]], m.s. 7-8).

==== Kemiskinan dan Perhambaan =====

Pengambilan todi yang berlebihan, terutamanya todi tidak tulen, menyebabkan ketagihan yang berleluasa di kalangan pekerja ladang. Ini mengakibatkan sebahagian besar pendapatan mereka dihabiskan di kedai-kedai todi: //"Kemiskinan dalam kalangan buruh merupakan isu yang berlarutan sepanjang zaman kolonial. Hal ini disebabkan kebanyakan buruh membuat pinjaman daripada majikan ladang atau kedai todi. Kemudian menyebabkan mereka terikat kepada majikan seumur hidup. Ini disebabkan bagi pembayaran balik hutang mereka, buruh-buruh ini terpaksa bekerja di bawah pengurusan atau tuan yang sama."// (Parameswari Krishnan @  Vol. 23 No. 1 (2014): SEJARAH: {{ :lampiran:18903_implikasi_pengambilan_todi_dalam_kalangan_masyarakat_india_ladang_di_tanah_melayu_1900-1957.pdf ||}}[[https://ejournal.um.edu.my/index.php/SEJARAH/article/view/9282|"IMPLIKASI PENGAMBILAN TODI DALAM KALANGAN MASYARAKAT INDIA LADANG DI TANAH MELAYU, 1900-1957"]], m.s. 11).

==== Gejala Sosial =====

Seiring dengan masalah yang telah disebutkan, tercetusnya pelbagai gejala sosial, akibat dari kemabukan serta tekanan yang berkaitan dengan ketagihan todi: //"akibat daripada pengambilan todi secara tidak terkawal ialah pembabitan buruh dalam tindakan yang kurang bermoral seperti bergaduh, memukul isteri dan anak-anak, mencuri, menceroboh rumah, mencederakan orang lain, selalu ponteng kerja dan juga berani terlibat dalam pembunuhan."// (Parameswari Krishnan @  Vol. 23 No. 1 (2014): SEJARAH: {{ :lampiran:18903_implikasi_pengambilan_todi_dalam_kalangan_masyarakat_india_ladang_di_tanah_melayu_1900-1957.pdf ||}}[[https://ejournal.um.edu.my/index.php/SEJARAH/article/view/9282|"IMPLIKASI PENGAMBILAN TODI DALAM KALANGAN MASYARAKAT INDIA LADANG DI TANAH MELAYU, 1900-1957"]], m.s. 14-15).

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